[quote]DBCooper wrote:
Don’t come in here with your thinly-veiled agenda and then start to backtrack once someone smart enough to see through your bullshit calls you on it.
[/quote]
I didn’t bring up the KKK. Someone else brought it up: they expressed dislike of “WASP” culture and told a Texan that the KKK is Texas’s “retarded half brother.” Of course Texas is more of a Western state but I won’t go into all that. So when that was brought up I tried to explain some things and got onto LBJ’s “great society.” Yes, where were we?
LBJ’s “great society” had it origins in the Soviet radicals who set up shop in America late WWII - most prominent the Frankfurt school that established themselves at Columbia university. Soviet/Communist sympathisers and radicals were already rife in FDR’s administration when he died. Truman appointed Alinsky radicals throughout federal government departments.
Robert Kennedy appointed Columbia University sociologist Lloyd Ohlin - an Alinsky acolyte from Chicago university. He co-wrote a book with Richard Cloward. In 1964 Johnson declared a ‘war on poverty’ and appointed Sargent Shriver to the post of “poverty czar.” Shriver funneled much of $300 billion in federal money to Alinskyite radical organisations. One of Alinsky’s proteges was a young Hillary Rodham.
Bobby Kennedy also formed a close relationship with Alinsky acolyte and union boss Cesar Chavez and worked with him on a shakedown of Eastman Kodak in New York - accusing the company of not hiring enough black workers.
The other key players were Richard Cloward(mentioned above) and Francis Fox Piven - they came to prominence in 1966 with an article published in the Nation .
'Much of their strategy was drawn from Saul Alinsky, Chicago’s notorious revolutionary Marxist community organizer. The Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN) succeeded the National Welfare Rights Organization in the execution of the Cloward-Piven grand tactics of using the poor as cannon fodder to tear down the capitalist system. It was low-income, mostly black and Hispanic people, who were used by ACORN guerrillas to take subprime toxic mortgages.
Its supporting tactics include flooding government with impossible demands until it slowly cranks to a stop; overloading electoral systems with successive tidal waves of new voters, many of them bogus; shaking down banks, politicians in Congress, and the Department of Housing and Urban Development for affirmative-action borrowing; and, now, pulling down the national financial system by demanding exotic, subprime mortgages for low-income Americans with little hope of repaying their loans. These toxic mortgages are an important source of the foul smell engulfing the entire financial bailout.’ - Washington Times
Example of community organising at work:
'The number of Americans subsisting on welfare - about 8 million at the time - probably
represented less than half those technically eligible for full benefits, the authors noted. They proposed a “massive drive to recruit the poor onto the welfare rolls.” Cloward and Piven calculated that persuading even a fraction of the potential welfare recipients to demand their entitledments would bankrupt the entire system. The demands would break the budget and jam the bureaucratic gears into gridlock. The result would be a “profound financial and political crisis” that would unleash “powerful forces…for major economic reform at the national level.”
Their article called for “cadres of aggressive organizers” to use “demonstrations to create a
climate of militancy.” Intimidated by black violence, politicians would appeal to federal government for help. Carefully orchestrated media campaigns carried out by friendly journalists would promote the idea of “a federal program of income redistribution” in the form of a guaranteed living income for all, working and non-working people alike. Local officials would grab hold of this idea like drowning men reaching for a lifeline. They would apply pressure on Washington to implement the idea. With major cities erupting in chaos like Watts, Washington would have to act…This was the plan detailed in the Nation on 2 May 1966(Cloward and Piven).
Cloward and Piven launched a “Welfare Rights Movement” based on their original plan. They recruited a radical black organizer named George Wiley to lead it.
After a series of mass marches and rallies by welfare recipients in June 1966, Wiley declared “the birth of a movement” - the Welfare Rights Movement. Wiley then set to work putting the “crisis strategy” into effect. His tactics closely followed the recommendations laid down in the Nation article. Wiley’s followers invaded welfare offices - often violently - bullying social workers and demanding every penny to which the law “entitled” them.
In their 1966 article, Cloward and Piven had given special attention to New York City, whose masses of urban poor, leftist intelligentsia and free-spending politicians rendered it uniquely vulnerable to the strategy they proposed. Noting that New York City was already expected to shell out $500 million in annual benefits to the 500,000 people on its welfare rolls in 1966, Cloward and Piven calculated that, “An increase in the rolls of a mere twenty percent would cost an already overburdened municipality some $100 million” per year…At the time, city welfare agencies were paying about $20 million per year in “special grants.” Cloward and Piven estimated that they could “multiply these expenditures tenfold or more,” draining an additional $180 annually from the city coffers.
Cloward and Piven had chosen their target shrewdly. George Wiley and his welfare radicals terrorized social workers in cities across the country, but their greatest success came in New
York. New York’s arch-liberal mayor John Lindsay, newly elected in November 1966, capitulated
to Wiley’s every demand…“The violence of the [welfare rights] movement was frightening,” recalls Lindsay budget aide Charles Morris. Black militants laid seige to City Hall, bearing signs saying, “No Money, No Peace.” One welfare mother famously screamed at Mayor Lindsay, “It’s my job to have kids, Mr. Mayor, and your job to take care of them.”
Lindsay answered these provacations with ever-more-generous programs of appeasement in the form of welfare dollars. Soon after taking office in 1966, he appointed Mitchell Ginsberg to the post of welfare commissioner. An associate dean at the Columbia University School of Social Work, Ginsberg was a colleague of Cloward and Piven, who shared their radical views.
By 1968 the rejection rate for applicants had fallen from 40 percent in 1965 to 23 percent. New York’s welfare rolls had been growing by twelve percen per year already before Lindsay took office. The rate jumped to 50 percent annually in 1966. During Lindsay’s first term of office, welfare spending in New York City more than doubled, from $400 million to $1 billion annually.
Outlays for the poor consumed 28 percent of the city’s budget by 1970. “By the early 1970’s, one person was on the welfare rolls in New York City for every two working in the city’s private economy,” Sol Stern wrote in the City Journal.
Crucial to Wiley’s success was the cooperation of radical sympathizers inside the federal government, who supplied Wiley’s movement with grants, training, and logistical assistance, channeled through federal War-on-Poverty programs such as VISTA, as Wiley organizer Hulbert James acknowledged. “Welfare rights organizations in this country were developed primarily by VISTA,” James conceded in 1969. Among other perks, Wiley’s NWRO received free legal aid and free office space from the norotoriously left-wing Legal Services division of the Office of Economic Opportunity. Johnson administration officials awarded NWRO a $435,000 contract in 1968.
The National Welfare Rights Organization…finally clos(ed) its doors in 1972. Wiley’s movement had been an economic disaster for American taxpayers and a social catastrophe for millions of poverty-stricken Americans who, thanks to Wiley’s efforts, became locked in the cycle of welfare dependency. For its radical masterminds, however, the disaster could be (and was) looked on as a triumph. As a direct result of the overloading of its welfare rolls, New York City - the financial capital of the world - effectively went bankrupt in 1975. The entire state of New York was nearly taken down with it. Radicals reveled in their victory. The Cloward-Piven strategy had proved its effectiveness.
To this day, most Americans have never heard of Richard Cloward or Frances Fox Piven. New York City has not forgotten their achievement, however. In 1998, Mayor Rudolph Giuliani reviewed the effects of their strategy, without naming its authors. Noting that the number of people on welfare in the Big Apple had skyrocketed from 200,000 to nearly 1.1 million between 1960 and 1970, Giuliani said: “This wasn’t an accident, it wasn’t an atmospheric thing, it wasn’t supernatural. It was the result of policies, choices, and a philosophy that was embraced in the 1960s and then enthusiastically endorsed in the City of New York…This is the result of policies and programs designed to have the maximum number of people get welfare.”
The New York Times learned that an earlier draft of Giuliani’s speech had identified Cloward and Piven by name, but their names had been edited out of his final speech.
Neither leftist nor mainstream media ever again mentioned the Cloward-Piven strategy. Nor did Cloward and Piven ever again reveal thei intentions quite as candidly or publically as they had in their 1966 article in the Nation. They learned to tailor their message to a more conservative era. Meanwhile, their activism continued, and with it their strategy of overloading the “system” in the hope of causing a breakdown…Their persistence paid off. George Soros and his Shadow Party were waiting in the wings for their distinctive expertise.’ - David Horowitz, The Shadow Party