Media Bias

Good article on media bias – I note in certain threads there is tripartate disagreement pitting those who think there is no bias against those who find conservative bias against those who find liberal bias. Perhaps this thread could host a discussion…

http://www.sptimes.com/2005/01/02/Perspective/Journalists_shouldn_t.shtml

Journalists shouldn’t be cheerleaders
By ALAN GREENBLATT
Published January 2, 2005

It’s hardly a shocker that Norman Mailer could show up at a place like Cambridge, Mass., and win big applause with a speech attacking President Bush. After all, employees of Harvard University gave more money to John Kerry’s presidential campaign than people who work anywhere else (except the University of California). What made the standing ovation for the novelist so disappointing, though, was that it came from a great big pack of journalists.

Claims of media bias were a major theme during this past election year - from Dan Rather’s doctored documents questioning Bush’s military service to a convention of minority journalists loudly cheering Kerry when he addressed them in August. But conservatives who want proof of their longstanding claims that the mainstream media harbor a liberal bias could do worse than ordering the audio recordings of the Cambridge conference that are on sale from its sponsor, Harvard’s Nieman Foundation for Journalism.

They would hear laughter and applause from reporters after Mailer said he wished he “was young enough to thrash” Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and scattered applause when he claimed that it was not Jesus but “the devil who speaks to George Bush every night.”

Admittedly, some of the attendees were academics, publicists and students, so it’s hard to say who was laughing at which remark. But the thousand-member audience was dominated by freelance writers and editors and reporters from nearly every major paper in the country. None of the dozen people who stood up to question Mailer challenged any of his political assertions. And only a few failed to stand and applaud at the end of a speech that had characterized Bush as “lord of the quagmire” in Iraq.

“I’m a newspaperman - these people don’t seem to understand what their role in society is,” said Jack Hart, managing editor of the Portland Oregonian, which cosponsored the conference along with the Boston Globe and the Poynter Institute (which owns the St. Petersburg Times and Governing magazine, where I work). “It makes me very uncomfortable.”

With good reason. The Pew Research Center for the People & the Press released a widely touted study in June that found that the audience for news is increasingly fragmenting along partisan lines. In other words, large numbers of readers and viewers are turning to media outlets that reinforce their previously held convictions, and tuning out those in which they detect a disagreeable bias.

Major news outlets routinely have their reports and credibility questioned nowadays because of perceptions of bias. Just before the election, stories in the New York Times and on CBS stating that tons of explosives were missing in Iraq were loudly dismissed in some quarters with the taunt that these “liberal” outlets were trying to turn voters against Bush. The same held true when the Los Angeles Times reported on Arnold Schwarzenegger’s past sexual aggression in the days leading up to California’s gubernatorial recall last year.

The level of public distrust evoked by partisan leanings - real or perceived - did not stop the reporters at the Nieman conference from applauding frequent left-leaning sentiments. Although most of the sessions were dedicated to nuts-and-bolts instruction on journalism, such as interviewing techniques and tips on how to create a sense of place, Mailer was far from the only speaker to touch directly on politics. Seymour Hersh, the author and investigative reporter for the New Yorker, gave a talk that equaled Mailer’s in its anti-Bush venom.

“I was surprised when Hersh used his keynote address to give us his rewrite of Fahrenheit 9/11,” said Rick Whittle, a military reporter with the Dallas Morning News.

Attendees also heard criticism of Bush’s stem cell research policy and the growth on his watch of both the federal deficit and international disapproval of the United States. If ever a word was spoken from a conference podium that was positive about Bush or any Republican policy - or even one that noted in neutral tones that the president had just been re-elected by a majority of the American electorate - it must have been at a session I missed.

In conversation, numerous individual reporters expressed unease that the conference was marked by partisan speeches that were so openly and warmly received. Invoking the sadly diminished dictum of “no cheering in the press box,” Dane Huffman, an assistant sports editor at the Raleigh, N.C., News & Observer, said, “When I’m at a game, even with my son, I don’t applaud or cheer.”

But collectively, it was as if a great liberal id had been conjured and unleashed. “You get a gathering like this and there are shared . . . assumptions,” said Paul Janensch, who teaches journalism at Quinnipiac University, “but they’re not assumptions shared throughout the country or even in South Boston.”

Bob Giles, head of the Nieman Foundation, said that inviting openly political speakers was “an experiment” that will have to be reviewed. He conceded that the conference could have done a better job of showcasing “more of a perspective from the red states.” Giles also said he wished reporters hadn’t been so vocal in their approval of the blue point of view, but he and Mark Kramer, the lead organizer of the conference, emphasized that they thought it would be useful for a gathering of reporters to hear openly political speeches, due to the partisan tenor of our time.

That’s debatable. Those of us who cover politics and government are exposed to enough political rancor without encountering it at professional conferences.

The striking thing about the current partisan divide is that, while it’s not as deep as earlier rifts in the country, such as those caused by the civil rights movement and Vietnam, it’s much more constant. Politicians from the two parties are unable to cooperate on even the smallest legislative matters. The growing enmity in Washington and state capitols is reflected in a hundred angry talk radio programs and thousands of bitter blogs in which the object is not enlightenment of the subject but destruction of the opponent.

Increasingly, it’s difficult for the average American to tell supposedly objective or balanced mainstream reports from the vast army of opinion mongers. In a recent Washington Post article about interest groups opening up publications and broadcast channels to produce their own take on the news (without advertising their sponsorship), Wayne LaPierre of the National Rifle Association said, “We have as much right to be at the table delivering news and information to the American public as anyone else does.”

Straight news outlets have an even tougher job in trying to convince anyone that their reports should be distinguished from such open propaganda efforts when their own reporters willingly reveal their political leanings at a public forum. If mainstream journalists hope to preserve not just the trust but the simple attention of readers and viewers, we have to remember just what, as Hart says, our role in society is.

There’s no question that reporters should be questioning Bush’s version of the truth and that the profession in general should challenge his administration’s bent toward secrecy. But the least we can do, when someone makes a speech either bashing or lauding Bush or any other politician, is to sit on our hands.

Alan Greenblatt, a staff writer at Governing magazine, has written about media bias and partisanship for Congressional Quarterly.
[Last modified January 1, 2005, 23:55:18]

BB,

As usual, excellent article.

The most important message that I want to send today is: “Four more years.”

That being said, I think the power of the press has gone “to their heads.” About the time of Watergate, I think there was a switch in the major media’s ideas about their role. They began to think that they could “drive the agenda.” This hadn’t been seen since the days of Hearst/Pulitzer.

Many of us feel that bill clinton’s election in 1992 was due in large part to massive media bias. I remember clinton being booed (not reported) and openly repudidated at various events (not reported). I remember an almost giddy attraction the press had (and still has) for billy boy.

2000/2004 began to turn the pendulum back. No sane person can contend that there wasn’t an obvious major news bias for Gore and even more strikingly, Kerry. By repudiating the media darlings, a strong message was sent to the news organizations.

I can’t help wondering if the nation would have responded differently to various events had there not been only three major networds active for the last 50 years. A true liberal oligarchy.

I’m pleased that there are many more outlets now. Rather and his cronies can’t get away with forging documents to “drive the liberal agenda.”

The good news is that the discerning citizen has access to far more information today. If we are open minded enough to view multiple sources, we can come to reasonable conclusions on most of today’s issues.

JeffR

Here’s an article questioning the media’s perspective concerning Iraq – basically, its premise is that the media focuses on the terrorists’ accomplishments (blowing things up and killing people - mostly Iraqis) while ignoring the rebuilding efforts [Note: all italics in original]:

The ‘Boom Factor’
Drowns Out
Progress in Iraq

By ROBERT D. BLACKWILL
January 5, 2005; Page A10

The continuing violence in Iraq, including the recent suicide attack in the mess hall at Mosul, has produced a new wave of gloom regarding the efficacy of U.S. policy toward Iraq and the future of that country. The naysayers are wrong: 2005 will be a good year in Iraq for President Bush. By asserting this I recognize that in most of Washington I am a white rhino on the Savanna, as I reject the views, among others, of the professional pessimists within parts of the U.S. intelligence community.

Having spent several months in Iraq in the past year, I can attest to its complexity. Most analytically important, what are the metrics by which one assesses the course and pace of Iraq’s critical trend lines? How do we decide how we are doing? The news programs, with their repetitive pictures of violence and mayhem, deeply mislead in this regard. To paraphrase James Joyce and contrary to the television news readers’ mantra (boom, I said boom, I will boom), surely the number of suicide bombings or coalition and Iraqi casualties per week is not the most effective means to gauge progress or failure. How many troops did the U.S. lose in the Battle of the Bulge in 1944-45 or in the Wilderness Campaign in 1864? We are, after all, at war. The enemy is desperate to derail the movement toward a free, stable and peaceful Iraq. The more Iraq makes important steps toward democracy, the more we should expect the bombers to escalate their deadly attacks.

So if the boom factor is not an accurate way to understand the direction of developments, what metrics should we use instead? Here are mine, which indicate fundamental advances for Iraq and for the administration in 2005.
? President Bush will not waver. The U.S. will finish the mission in Iraq. The November election here settled any doubts on that score.

? Even if every Sunni Arab of any age joins the fight (which will not happen), the insurgency cannot get larger than about 20% of Iraq’s population. The other 80% (Shiites and Kurds) are determined to fight “room to room,” as Prime Minister Ayad Allawi puts it, to prevent a Baathist revival. So this will not become a popular national revolt like the Philippines 100 years ago, and most Iraqis will not stay on the fence until the outcome is decided as the South Vietnamese did four decades past. If you doubt this, remember that the insurgents have no positive agenda, the hundreds of thousands of Shiites in mass graves, and the Kurdish victims who were attacked with poison gas by Saddam’s regime.

? The Iraqi government is steadily increasing the amount of territory it controls. When Prime Minister Allawi and his colleagues acquired sovereignty at the end of last June, large parts of the Shiite south including its large religious centers – Najaf and Karbala – were controlled by Moqtada al Sadr and his Mahdi militia. Today, Shiite Iraq is quiet, government police walk the streets of its cities and towns, and the insurgency is dominantly centered on the three Sunni provinces and neighborhoods of Baghdad. And there, too, with the offensive against Samara and Fallujah and parts of North Babil, inroads are being made against the terrorists. Today, most Iraqis are leading more or less normal lives. That number will expand in 2005.

? The Jan. 30 elections will take place and there will be an impressive turnout in most of Iraq, urged on by Shiite Grand Ayatollah Sistani and Kurdish leaders Massoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani. Although there likely will be limited Sunni participation, the vote overall will be above the threshold for legitimacy and take Iraqis substantially further toward democracy. Sunnis will get important positions in the new government. The authenticity conferred on the government through this election process and the writing of a permanent constitution will be another crucial blow against the Baathists and Zarqawi. As we see in Afghanistan and Ukraine, political freedom of choice is contagious.

? Prime Minister Allawi has a political-economic-military Sunni strategy. This is to separate the hard-core murderers from the Sunni population at large. The Iraqi government already has had some success in Samara and Tel Afar and there will be more to come. Mr. Allawi’s message is simple: Join us in building the new Iraq and accept its benefits or, if you support the insurgency, get ready to die.

? The Iraqi Army is beginning to fight. Ten battalions of the Iraqi army are now combat-tested, and the number grows every month. They are not the 101st Airborne but Iraqi willingness to fight will steadily expand after the election when the new government takes office. This metric will continue to improve slowly but inexorably.

? The overall Iraqi economy is recovering rapidly from its condition just after the war, fueled in large part by U.S. and international reconstruction aid. No longer waiting for Godot, $3.9 billion of U.S. reconstruction assistance has now been disbursed inside Iraq with 1,200 projects underway employing 150,000 Iraqis. This effort is accelerating. Shovels are finally hitting the ground.

? International help for Iraq is on the upswing. The Paris Club’s decision to dramatically reduce the Iraqi debt and NATO’s growing training mission in Iraq are examples. Most of the world’s key democracies are determined to work together to make Iraq a success, a supreme example of enlightened self-interest. We should stop talking about more non-U.S. coalition troops on the ground since few Iraqi politicians want to explain to the voters why more foreign troops are arriving in the country. Iraqis want to be protected only by Iraqis as soon as that is feasible. We should applaud that sentiment.

Does all this mean Iraq is about to become a cakewalk? Not a chance. The Iraqis and the coalition face a determined foe. There will be terrorist outrages in the weeks ahead and numerous other tactical setbacks. More courageous Americans in Iraq will make the ultimate sacrifice while nobly defending the U.S. and spreading freedom. But time and the most fundamental trends inside and outside Iraq are on President Bush’s side. The killers hold a losing hand, aces and eights. So as 2005 begins, prepare for the strategic implications of democratic success in Iraq. It is on its way.

Mr. Blackwill was President Bush’s deputy national security adviser for strategic planning and also served as presidential envoy to Iraq. He is now president of Barbour Griffith & Rogers International, a lobbying firm.

On a similar note, this post criticizes media coverage in Iraq for focusing on terrorist “accomplishments” while ignoring the actions taken by our forces and the Iraqis against the terrorists.

The post is long, and includes a map graphic I don’t know how to include, so I will just provide this link:

http://www.mudvillegazette.com/archives/001957.html

Finally, as I’m on the topic of Iraq coverage generally, and to buttress the points above, it doesn’t seem as if good news gets covered much at all by the national media sources. Arthur Chrenkoff publishes this weekly round up of good news from Iraq on the Wall Street Journal OpinionJournal site, but you don’t hear the individual stories from other sources – particularly not the NYT, the big 3 networks or CNN:

[That one is from Dec 6 – he usually publishes them bi-weekly, but took a break for the holidays]