[quote]etaco wrote:
I’m so sick of hearing about Roe and the whole abortion thing from both the right and the left. The bullshit from both sides on this matter is so transparent that it’s astounding. Seeing people with signs cheering him explicitly for his expected opposition as well as their counterparts just turns my stomach as does all this ridiculous pageantry from these senators. With Dems like Teddy boy trying to spin political straw into gold and the Republicans giving ten minute long speeches which one would expect to lead into them felating him, where is the actual debate?
My main questions about him regard his views on executive and law enforcement powers. With the smokescreen provided by the abortion “debate” I haven’t seen too much substantitive discussion.[/quote]
This post from Ann Althouse should interest you:
“Legal gobbledygook.”
After counting the minutes to get to the end of the Alito hearings last week, you might want to start off this week by counting words in the transcripts. Dana Milbank has this ( http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/01/15/AR2006011500966.html ):
[i]By the numbers, Judge Alito's language was painfully cautious. He mentioned "stare decisis" -- respect for precedents (i.e., Roe v. Wade ) 68 times. But he mentioned "abortion" only 23 times and hardly used the word "overturn" at all. Among his top three-word phrases: "I don't know" (29 times). Among his top four-word phrases: "I would have to" -- as in, "I would have to know the arguments that are made" before answering the question (21 times).
The nominee relied heavily on the language of law books, mentioning "Humphrey's Executor" (whoever he is) 10 times, "undue burden" 10 times, and "jurisdiction" 25 times.[/i]
“Humphrey’s Executor” (whoever he is)… A thousand conlaw profs wring our hands. “Humphrey’s Executor” (whoever he is)! As if that’s just some obscurity Alito threw out to bamboozle us.
IN THE COMMENTS: Stiles defends Milbank:
[i]For the politically interested layperson at home, Humphrey's Executor is "legal gobbledygook" and that is Milbank's audience, not the ConLaw community.[/i]
John Althouse Cohen responds to Stiles:
[i]Stiles and others who are making this point are leaving out the fact that Alito thoroughly explained what Humphrey's Executor is and why it's important, in terms that should be comprehensible by a layperson.[/i]
I [Note: This, and the subsequent “I”, are Professor Althouse] add:
[i]They were too busy observing that it was all gobbledygook and that he wasn't saying anything to listen carefully enough to have a shot at understanding it. But yeah, it was quite comprehensible, even though... Senator Kennedy tried his best to fuzz it up because it had to do with the "unitary executive" issue that he was trying to alarm people about.[/i]
I include a long passage from the Thursday transcript ( http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/01/12/AR2006011201031.html ) that shows how Alito explained the case and Kennedy tried to make Alito look extreme.
[i]SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
Just to initially follow up on the last area of questioning by Senator Leahy about the unitary presidency, I, I’ve asked you questions about this earlier in the week and my colleagues have. I’m not going to get back into the speech that you gave at the Federalist Society. One aspect, well, I’ll mention just the one part of it that is of concern: 'If the administrative agencies are in the federal government, which they certainly are, they have to be in one of those branches, legislative, executive, judicial, and the logical candidate is the executive branch."
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
'And the president," it continues, 'the president has the power and the duty to supervise the way in which the, to which the board and the executive branch officials exercise the president’s power, carrying federal law into execution." So we, we asked you about that power and that authority. And you responded, as I think you just repeated here, that the Humphrey case was the dominating case on this issue. Am I roughly correct? I’m trying to get through some material.
JUDGE SAMUEL ALITO (US SUPREME COURT JUSTICE NOMINEE)
It was that, yes. It was the leading case. It was followed up by Morrison cases.
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
Followed up by the Morrison case as the controlling case on these administrative agencies. But what you haven’t mentioned to date is that the theory, what you, you haven’t mentioned to date is your dissent from the Morrison case. We’ve been trying to gain your view about the unitary presidency. Most people believe we have an executive, legislative, and judicial, and now we have this unitary presidency which many people don’t really kind of understand and it sounds a little bizarre.
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
We want to know about, you’ve indicated support for it. You’ve commented back and forth about it. You’ve indicated the controlling cases that establish the administrative agencies. You refer to the Morrison case as being guiding, the authority. This in the Morrison, at, at, your comments about the Morrison, you say, you then proceed to outline a legal strategy for getting around Morrison. This is what you said: 'Perhaps the Morrison decision can be read in a way that heeds, if not the constitutional text that I mentioned, at least the objectives for setting up a unitary executive.
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
'That could lead to a fairly strong degree of presidential control over the work of the administrative agencies in the area of policy-making." Our questions in this hearing is: What is your view of the unitary presidency? You’ve responded in a number of our people, but we were interested in your view and your, your comments on the, on the Morrison case, which you say is the controlling, but we want to know your view.
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
And it includes these words: 'That could lead to a fairly strong degree of presidential control over the workings of the administrative agencies in the areas of policy-making." Now, that would alter and change the balance between the Congress and the president in a very dramatic and significant way, would it not?
JUDGE SAMUEL ALITO (US SUPREME COURT JUSTICE NOMINEE)
I don’t think that it would, Senator. The administrative agencies, the term administrative agencies is a broad term, and it includes…
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
The Federal Reserve?
JUDGE SAMUEL ALITO (US SUPREME COURT JUSTICE NOMINEE)
It, it includes agencies that are, that are not regarded as so-called independent agencies. The agencies, it includes agencies that are within, that are squarely within the executive branch under anybody’s understanding of the term, agencies where, that are headed by a presidential appointee whose term of office is at the pleasure of the president.
JUDGE SAMUEL ALITO (US SUPREME COURT JUSTICE NOMINEE)
And that’s principally what I’m talking about there, the ability of the president to control the structure of the executive branch, not agencies, the term administrative agencies is not synonymous with agencies like the FTC, which was involved in the, the Humphrey’s Executor case where the agency is headed by a commission and the commissioners are appointed by the president for a term of office and there are conditions placed on the removal of the agency, of, of the commissioners.
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
Well, the, the point, Judge, the answers you gave both to my colleagues, Senator Leahy, Durbin and to me, in the quote, 'The concept of a unitary executive does not have to do with the scope of executive power," really was not accurate. You’re admitting now that it has to do with the administrative agencies and this would have a dramatic and important reconsideration of the balance between the executive and the Congress.
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
I haven’t got the, the time to go through. But we’re talking about the Federal Reserve, Consumer Product Safety, the Federal Trade Commission, a number of the agencies that would be directly considered and that have very, very important independent strategy.
JUDGE SAMUEL ALITO (US SUPREME COURT JUSTICE NOMINEE)
Senator, as to the, the agencies that are headed by commissions, the members of, of which are appointed for terms, and there are limitations placed on removal, the precedents, the, the, the leading precedent is Humphrey’s Executor. And that is reinforced, and I would say very dramatically reinforced, by the decision in Morrison, which did not involve such an agency. It involved an officer who was carrying out what I think everyone would agree is a core function of the executive branch, which is the, the, the enforcement of the law, taking care that the laws are faithfully executed.
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
But the, the point here is you take exception to Morrison. You’re very clear about, we’re interested in your views. We understand the Humphrey’s and Morrison are the guiding laws. But we’ve talked about stare decisis and other precedents. But you have a different view with regards to the role of the executive now, an enhanced role, what they called the unitary presidency. And that has to do, as well, with the balance between the executive and the Congress in a very important way, in terms of the use of administrative agencies.
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
I haven’t got the time to go over through. But we did have, but we did have some discussion about those agencies and how it would alter, how it would alter the balance of authority and power between the Congress and the executive. That’s very important. I mean, I, I don’t, it’s a, it’s enormously interesting. We’ve had Professor Calabresi from Harvard University spelled this out in great detail now.
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
And I know you’ve separated yourself a bit from his thinking, to the extent that he would go in terms of administrative agencies. The point is, it would be a different relationship if your view was the dominant view in the Supreme Court between the executive and the Congress. And that, that’s really the point. I want to…
JUDGE SAMUEL ALITO (US SUPREME COURT JUSTICE NOMINEE)
Well, Senator Kennedy, what I’ve, what, what I’ve, I’ve tried to say is that, that I, I regard this as a line of precedent that is very well developed, and I have no quarrel with it. And it culminates in Morrison in which the Supreme Court said that even as to an inferior officer who’s carrying out the core executive function of taking care that the laws are faithfully executed, it is permissible for Congress to place restrictions on the ability of a president to remove such an officer, provided that in doing so there is no interference with the president’s authority. And they found no interference with that authority there.
JUDGE SAMUEL ALITO (US SUPREME COURT JUSTICE NOMINEE)
And that’s a, and that, that is a, that is a, an expression of the Supreme Court’s view in, in, on an issue that’s, where the, where the claim for, where the claim that there should be no removal restrictions imposed is far stronger than it is with respect to an independent agency like the one involved in Humphrey’s Executor.
SENATOR EDWARD KENNEDY (DEMOCRAT
Well, the, the point is that you’ve differed with the Morrison and outlined a different kind of a strategy. I want to move on.[/i]