Alito to USSC

Moreover, Democrats are obsessed with the results of his abortion jurisprudence.

Is he out of the mainstream in deciding hypertechnical rules of procedure in regards to fair notice? Whether clickwrap agreements on a website are legitimate contractual obligations?

The job of a Supreme Court justice is not always as sexy as it appears to the Left - that is, assuming the judge is trying to get the law right and not brandishing his/her credentials as philosopher-king.

The moment we resigned our culture wars to be solved by the USSC, we corrupted the process.

[quote]thunderbolt23 wrote:
The job of a Supreme Court justice is not always as sexy as it appears to the Left - that is, assuming the judge is trying to get the law right and not brandishing his/her credentials as philosopher-king.
[/quote]

You know, the problem is that real Philosophers don’t want to be in power. So we’re just getting our philosopher-kings from the wrong place, I suppose. :wink:

[quote]
thunderbolt23 wrote:
The job of a Supreme Court justice is not always as sexy as it appears to the Left - that is, assuming the judge is trying to get the law right and not brandishing his/her credentials as philosopher-king.

nephorm wrote:
You know, the problem is that real Philosophers don’t want to be in power. So we’re just getting our philosopher-kings from the wrong place, I suppose. ;-)[/quote]

And the other problem is that somewhere along the line we’ve embraced the idea of lawyer kings, aka USSC judges. And who wants a bunch of lawyers to be kings? =-)

[quote]BostonBarrister wrote:

thunderbolt23 wrote:
The job of a Supreme Court justice is not always as sexy as it appears to the Left - that is, assuming the judge is trying to get the law right and not brandishing his/her credentials as philosopher-king.

nephorm wrote:
You know, the problem is that real Philosophers don’t want to be in power. So we’re just getting our philosopher-kings from the wrong place, I suppose. :wink:

And the other problem is that somewhere along the line we’ve embraced the idea of lawyer kings, aka USSC judges. And who wants a bunch of lawyers to be kings? =-)[/quote]

shudder Not me.

[quote]Kuz wrote:
Marmadogg wrote:
rainjack wrote:
Marmadogg wrote:
FMLA worked for you when you worked for someone else.

FMLA does not apply to the business you operate but now that you are a small business owner you are against the FMLA.

Let me know when your company reaches 50 employees as I will congradulate you and help you figure out how to solve any issues that arrise from complying with the FMLA.

Good luck.

My employers allowed me to leave work before there was such a thing as FMLA.

Your condescension does little to further your point.

The FMLA is punitive to business. Period.

LOL

You support something when you need it but if you don’t then you are against it.

Good deal.

Do you actually read the posts you respond to or just jump to conclusions that prove your own point?[/quote]

That is all too common around here.

An interesting article on the background of Alito’s FMLA opinion can be found here:

http://www.nationalreview.com/whelan/whelan200511011205.asp

It’s written by Ed Whelan, a former USSC clerk to Judge Scalia and a very sharp lawyer.

Whoa, there is a piece of brilliant insight that the conversation would have died without!!!

Holy crap, what a kernel of wisdom, now I can make it through my day knowing that all is right in the world and the surpreme court nomination and the confirmation process and the possibility of the so called nuclear option.

I’m so glad you cleared that up for us.

You know, and you are welcome to throw the same back at me, but it isn’t your job to throw in a stupid comment in every thread on the forum just because you can.

In a fit of genius, the Milwaukee Sentinel Journal offers up this nugget:

"Another minus is that the nomination lessens the court’s diversity. O’Connor herself had expressed the desire that her successor be a woman. O’Connor seems to have grown wiser about diversity as a result of her Supreme Court experience. She came to see the virtues of having a court that looks like America - doubtless a big reason she softened her opposition to affirmative action in recent years.

In losing a woman, the court with Alito would feature seven white men, one white woman and a black man, who deserves an asterisk because he arguably does not represent the views of mainstream black America."

http://www.jsonline.com/news/editorials/oct05/367053.asp

And I can’t respond any better than this bit from Powerline:

“That’s Justice Clarence Thomas, one of the Court’s most brilliant and original thinkers–the justice with an “asterisk.” But here is what I really don’t understand: the liberals at the Journal Sentinel apparently think that Supreme Court justices are like House members who represent constituencies, and are supposed to vote according to the wishes of those they represent. That’s a stupid idea, obviously. But stay with it for a moment. If that is their theory, then why do the same liberals consistently praise Supreme Court decisions that frustrate the wishes of most Americans? If the Supreme Court is a sort of representative democracy, then who represents the large majority of Americans who don’t want the Court to fabricate hitherto-unknown “rights” out of whole cloth, and their own political biases?”

Great question.

[quote]vroom wrote:
That is all too common around here.

Whoa, there is a piece of brilliant insight that the conversation would have died without!!!

Holy crap, what a kernel of wisdom, now I can make it through my day knowing that all is right in the world and the surpreme court nomination and the confirmation process and the possibility of the so called nuclear option.

I’m so glad you cleared that up for us.

You know, and you are welcome to throw the same back at me, but it isn’t your job to throw in a stupid comment in every thread on the forum just because you can.[/quote]

vroom, keeping posting things like this, you are just showing your true colors.

[quote]Zap Branigan wrote:
vroom, keeping posting things like this, you are just showing your true colors.

[/quote]

He’s had his bloomers in a bunch all day. Methinks vroom hasn’t been laid in a while. Or he’s on steroids.

A very good, 4-part analysis of the bad criticisms of Alito stemming from his FMLA decision, from University of Wisconsin law professor Ann Althouse:

http://althouse.blogspot.com/2005/10/alito-and-family-medical-leave-act.html

http://althouse.blogspot.com/2005/11/alito-and-family-medical-leave-act.html

http://althouse.blogspot.com/2005/11/alito-and-family-medical-leave-act_03.html

http://althouse.blogspot.com/2005/11/alito-and-family-medical-leave-act_04.html

Here’s the concise legal explanation:

[i]Chittister was not about whether Congress had the power to pass the FMLA. The commerce power clearly supports the FMLA, and nothing in Chittister addresses or in any way challenges that very basic point of law.

Chittister is about whether the FMLA is also supported by the power the Fourteenth Amendment gives Congress to enforce the rights guaranteed by that Amendment. The reason why the additional basis for congressional power matters is that Congress can only abrogate state sovereign immunity if there is power under the Fourteenth Amendment. If Congress can’t abrogate sovereign immunity, that only affects state employees and it only means that they can’t get retrospective relief if the state violates the law. The state is, in fact, still bound by the requirements of the FMLA (contrary to Boxer’s statement), but employees will only be able to sue for prospective relief.

For there to be Fourteenth Amendment power, it must be shown that Congress is really enforcing the rights guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. It can’t use this power to create different rights or offer other benefits, however justifed and beneficial those new rights or benefits may be. To say that there is no Fourteenth Amendment power is not to say the FMLA isn’t a good idea or that women aren’t “disadvantaged in the workplace when they are not allowed to take family leave.” Fourteenth Amendment power requires that the law remedy the violation of rights. What constitutional right against sex discrimination was being remedied by guaranteeing unpaid family and medical leave? Keep in mind that the constitutional right against sex discrimination is only violated by intentional discrimination. How were the states violating rights in a way that family leave corrected?[/i]

Perhaps a bit early, given hearings aren’t scheduled until January, but spiriting nonetheless given it comes from the left side of the aisle:

http://www.breitbart.com/news/2005/11/06/D8DN220G5.html

EXCERPT:

[i] A Democratic member of the Senate Judiciary Committee said Sunday he believes Samuel Alito will get an up-or-down vote on his Supreme Court bid.

“We should commit,” said Sen. Joseph Biden, D-Del., minimizing prospects of a Senate filibuster that would prevent final action on President Bush’s choice to replace retiring Justice Sandra Day O’Connor.

“I think the probability is that will happen,” Biden said on ABC’s “This Week.” [/i]

Examining People For the American Way’s Alito critique on anti-discrimination law:

http://bench.nationalreview.com/archives/082006.asp

Alito and Title VII
[Edward Whelan 11/07 03:09 PM]

Let?s take a closer look at the lead race case the Left is trying to use against Judge Alito, Bray v. Marriott Hotels, 110 F.3d 396 (3rd Cir. 1997)( US 3rd Circuit Opinions and Cases | FindLaw ). That case is the first one mentioned in the “Racial Discrimination” section of People For the (Un)American Way?s attack on Alito ( http://media.pfaw.org/stc/AlitoPreliminary.pdf ), and it occupied center stage in last week’s Washington Post article on Alito’s civil-rights decisions ( http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/11/02/AR2005110202724.html ).

Bray, an African-American female and a Marriott worker, had applied for promotion to a particular position, as had seven to nine other hotel employees. Marriott instead offered the position to Riehle, a white female. Bray sued under Title VII, claiming that she had been denied the promotion because of her race.

Under existing case law, a Title VII plaintiff must carry the initial burden of establishing a “prima facie” case ? a rebuttable presumption ? of unlawful discrimination. That burden is not substantial and does not require showing any actual evidence of discrimination. On her claim for failure to promote, for example, Bray had to show that she (1) belonged to a protected category (in her case, that she was African-American), (2) applied for and was qualified for a job in an available position, and (3) did not receive the job.

Once this prima facie case is established, the burden then shifts to the employer to demonstrate that there was a nondiscriminatory reason for the job decision. If the employer satisfies this burden, then, under Third Circuit case law, the plaintiff had to submit evidence that either (1) casts sufficient doubt on the reasons offered by the employer so that a jury could reasonably conclude that each reason was a fabrication (“Prong One”), or (2) allows the jury to infer that discrimination was more likely than not a motivating or determinative cause of the decision (“Prong Two”).

Marriott offered as its reason for selecting Riehle over Bray its judgment that Riehle was the best applicant for the position. As the panel majority points out, Marriott “pointed to a host of factors to support its contention,” including Riehle’s higher objective rating, her superior experience, and her participation in more seminars and training sessions. The district judge awarded summary judgment to Marriott.

The panel majority found that the facts were sufficiently in dispute that summary judgment in Marriott’s favor was improper. Judge Alito, in dissent, first made clear that he understood Bray on appeal to be challenging the district court’s ruling only on Prong One. He then explained (quoting Third Circuit case law) that Prong One “requires that plaintiff point to evidence from which a reasonable factfinder can ‘disbelieve the employer?s articulated reasons’” (and not merely disagree with them). In other words, Bray had to offer evidence from which a jury could infer that Marriott was not really trying to find the best qualified candidate or that Marriott did not honestly believe that Riehle was better qualified than Bray. And he explained in detail how the majority “has not come close to holding Bray to her burden under prong one.”

Alito further argued that evidence of unfairness in the selection process ? in Bray?s case, Marriott’s failure to follow its internal procedures ? that is not linked to discriminatory animus should not get a plaintiff beyond summary judgment, “so long as the employer’s proffered legitimate reason for the employment decision remains intact.”

In charging that Alito’s position "would immunize an employer from the reach of Title VII if the employer’s belief that it had selected the ‘best’ candidate was the result of conscious racial bias? and would “eviscerate” Title VII, the majority completely misreads Alito’s dissent. In particular, it appears not to understand that Alito’s dissent relates entirely to Prong One ? and thus leaves a plaintiff entirely free, under Prong Two, to rebut the employer’s proffered reason by offering evidence from which a jury could infer that discrimination was more likely than not a motivating or determinative cause. PFAW’s assertion that Alito?’ dissent “made clear that he would have imposed an almost impossible evidentiary burden on victims of employment discrimination” similarly finds zero support in Alito’s opinion.

http://bench.nationalreview.com/archives/082028.asp

Alito and Title VII?Part 2
[Ed Whelan 11/08 05:37 AM]

The more one examines PFAW?s report ( http://media.pfaw.org/stc/AlitoPreliminary.pdf ) attacking Judge Alito, the more ridiculous it gets. The lead gender-discrimination case that PFAW features is Sheridan v. E.I. DuPont de Nemours & Co., 100 F.3d 1061 (3rd Cir. 1996) (en banc)( US 3rd Circuit Opinions and Cases | FindLaw ). PFAW falsely claims that if Alito?s position were “adopted more broadly[,] it would make it much more difficult for victims of discrimination to get to court and to prove their case.” As it happens, Alito’s position has been adopted more broadly: In 2000, a unanimous Supreme Court, in an opinion by Justice O’Connor, adopted Alito’s position.

In Sheridan, the 10-member majority concluded that an employer is never entitled to summary judgment on a Title VII employment-discrimination claim when the plaintiff has made out a prima facie case and offered evidence sufficient to support a finding that the employer’s proffered nondiscriminatory explanation was pretextual. Alito, in dissent, noted that the majority had failed to acknowledge that the Fifth Circuit (by a 16-1 en banc vote) and the First and Eleventh Circuits had rejected the majority?s position.

Alito agreed that an award of summary judgment is usually improper where there is sufficient evidence to show that the employer’s proffered explanation is pretextual. But, in an extended scholarly explanation, he rejected the majority’s blanket conclusion that summary judgment would always be improper. Here’s his powerful example to which the majority, tellingly, offers no response:

[i]A man with a disability applies for a promotion, but the promotion is given to a woman without a disability.? The plaintiff establishes a prima facie case of gender discrimination by showing that he is a man, he was qualified for the job, he applied, but it was given to a woman. There is no other evidence of gender discrimination against men; indeed, there is evidence that the decisionmaker was a man and that the great majority of the employees in the job category at issue were men. The employer says that the woman was chosen because her qualifications were better, but the plaintiff shows that this explanation is full of holes. In addition and most important, there is strong, direct evidence that the decisionmaker was biased against the plaintiff because of his disability. Among other things, there is testimony that, when the decisionmaker learned that the plaintiff had applied for the promotion, the decisionmaker made insulting and derogatory remarks about the plaintiff's disability.

Is there enough evidence in this case to convince a rational trier of fact that the promotion decision was based on gender discrimination? I think not, and if I am right, then the majority's blanket test is disproven.{/i]

In 2000, in Reeves v. Sanderson Plumbing Products, Inc.( REEVES v. SANDERSON PLUMBING PRODUCTS, INC. | FindLaw ), the Supreme Court unanimously agreed with Alito?s position. In the words of Justice O?Connor?s opinion for the Court:

[i][A] plaintiff's prima facie case, combined with sufficient evidence to find that the employer's asserted justification is false, may permit the trier of fact to conclude that the employer unlawfully discriminated. This is not to say that such a showing by the plaintiff will always be adequate to sustain a jury's finding of liability. Certainly there will be instances where, although the plaintiff has established a prima facie case and set forth sufficient evidence to reject the defendant's explanation, no rational factfinder could conclude that the action was discriminatory. For instance, an employer would be entitled to judgment as a matter of law if the record conclusively revealed some other, nondiscriminatory reason for the employer's decision, or if the plaintiff created only a weak issue of fact as to whether the employer's reason was untrue and there was abundant and uncontroverted independent evidence that no discrimination had occurred.[/i]

Contrary to PFAW, the position that Alito and the unanimous Supreme Court have adopted makes it easier, not harder, for genuine victims of discrimination “to get to court and to prove their case,” as it enables the courts to dispose more efficiently of meritless claims that would otherwise impede the courts from addressing meritorious claims.

Some good insight on Alito’s First Amendment views – which are excellent, IMHO:

Free Speech Libertarian
Judge Alito has an expansive view of the First Amendment.

BY EUGENE VOLOKH
Sunday, November 13, 2005 12:01 a.m. EST

What would Samuel Alito’s confirmation mean for First Amendment law? It’s impossible to be sure, but his appeals court opinions give us some clues. A Justice Alito would likely take a pretty broad view of free speech protections; support religious exemptions from some generally applicable laws; uphold evenhanded benefit programs that include both religious and secular institutions; and uphold the use of religious symbolism by the government.

? Free speech. Until the late 1980s, liberal Supreme Court justices generally supported broad free speech rights, and conservative justices usually took a narrower view. No longer. I’ve studied the votes in free speech cases from 1994 (when Justice Stephen Breyer was appointed) until last summer, when Chief Justice William Rehnquist died. The broadest views of free speech were held by conservative Anthony Kennedy, followed by conservative Clarence Thomas tied with liberal David Souter. The narrowest views were held by liberal Justice Breyer, followed by Chief Justice Rehnquist and Justice Sandra Day O’Connor (both conservatives). Justices John Paul Stevens and Ruth Bader Ginsburg (liberals) and Antonin Scalia (conservative) were in the middle.

Judge Alito’s past decisions suggest that he would be closer to Justices Kennedy and Thomas than to Justice O’Connor. Naturally, those decisions are shaped by Supreme Court precedents; but precedents often give lower court judges some flexibility, and Judge Alito has generally used this flexibility to protect speech.

In Pitt News v. Pappert, Judge Alito’s opinion upheld a campus newspaper’s constitutional right to publish alcohol advertising. The ban, he noted, would have little practical effect on the amount of alcohol advertising seen by underage readers. As more than 75% of prospective newspaper readers–university faculty, staff and students–were above 21, the ban would substantially affect communication to lawful alcohol buyers. And since the law singled out a small slice of the media (campus newspapers), it violated a little-used branch of First Amendment law barring such selective regulations.

The Supreme Court’s jurisprudence on commercial speech is notoriously unsettled and vague, but Judge Alito’s carefully reasoned opinion suggests a tendency to read speech-protective precedents rather broadly. A Justice Alito would likely move the court toward broader free speech protection, since Justice O’Conner took a relatively narrow view. It’s impossible to say how a Justice Alito would vote on other free speech controversies such as campaign finance reform. But he generally looks like something of a free speech libertarian.

? Religious exemptions. Does the free exercise clause entitle religious objectors to exemptions from certain generally applicable laws–for instance, from bans on peyote or government employer dress codes?

Justices O’Connor, Souter and Breyer have supported exemptions, while Rehnquist, Scalia, Thomas and Kennedy, plus Stevens and Ginsburg, have not, taking the view that the free exercise clause bans only discrimination against religion. In Employment Division v. Smith (1990), the court adopted this latter view, holding that the government cannot single out religion for special restriction, but allowing generally applicable laws that incidentally burden religion–for instance, general bans on drugs like peyote, which some people use for religious purposes.

Two of Judge Alito’s decisions suggest that he would take the broader view of free exercise. In Fraternal Order of Police v. Newark and Blackhawk v. Commonwealth, he voted in favor of religious objectors. Though the government rules (a ban on the wearing of beards by police officers, and a fee requirement for keeping wildlife in captivity) didn’t single out any religion, Judge Alito concluded that they were not really “generally applicable,” since they included exemptions for some secular conduct–for instance, for police officers who had medical reasons for not shaving, or for circuses and zoos that didn’t have to pay the fee for keeping wildlife.

Once the government creates exemptions for secular conduct, Judge Alito held, it must show a compelling reason to deny them for religious conduct. This is a plausible reading of Smith, but one that suggests that a Justice Alito will be open to religious exemption claims.

? Church-state relations. Unlike free speech and free exercise, Supreme Court decisions involving the establishment clause have recently split more predictably down conservative-liberal lines. Chief Justice Rehnquist and Justices Scalia, Kennedy and Thomas have reasoned that government funding of programs may evenhandedly include religious institutions alongside secular institutions, and that the government’s own speech may include religious symbolism, at least when it’s generically monotheistic rather than specifically Christian.

Justices Stevens, Souter and Ginsburg have taken the opposite views. Justices Breyer and, especially, O’Connor have been swing votes, leaving the law not fully settled. Last year’s Ten Commandments cases, which upheld one display and struck down another, are the result.

It seems likely that a Justice Alito would give the conservatives a majority on issues involving funding and display. His lower court opinions fairly apply the rather vague Supreme Court precedents, reaching results that the court’s conservatives would have reached, but that swing-voter Justice O’Connor would also likely have come to–for instance upholding a holiday display that included both religious and secular symbols.

He also seems to conclude that equal treatment of religious institutions is not establishment, for instance holding that religious groups may have the same access as secular groups to public school bulletin boards. And he seems to lean toward viewing religious speech by the government–part of a longstanding American tradition–as constitutionally permissible, too.

What do we see here in Judge Alito? Not an O’Connor, Scalia or Rehnquist; rather, a judge with his own mix of conservatism, libertarianism and egalitarianism, a cautious jurist who seems likely to move the court toward a slightly more claimant-friendly view of free speech and religious freedom–and a slightly more government-friendly view of the Establishment Clause.


Mr. Volokh is professor of law at UCLA School of Law and the founder of the Volokh Conspiracy blog.

Here’s another article arguing that Alito would have a libertarian bent to his jurisprudence:

Alito’s Libertarian Streak
By Ilya Somin
Published 11/10/2005 12:06:52 AM

Most debate about Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito has focused on his propensity to vote to overrule Roe v. Wade and the similarity between him and conservative Justice Antonin Scalia. But despite the superficial parallels between the two conservative, Italian-American Catholic jurists, it is important to recognize that Alito has a substantial libertarian dimension to his jurisprudence as well as a conservative one. In several key fields of law, he is more likely than Scalia and other conservatives to be skeptical of assertions of government power. More important, there is much in his record that should appeal to libertarians and – to a lesser extent – even left-wing liberals.

In most judicial cases, the correct result is sufficiently clear that differences in judicial philosophy are unlikely to affect the outcome. However, they often do matter in cases where the issue at stake is controversial, and traditional legal materials do not strongly favor one side or the other. While judges should not simply vote for whatever outcomes because they prefer them on policy grounds, a libertarian orientation helps sensitize jurists to the fact that the Constitution is meant to constrain government, not just empower electoral majorities, as some conservatives claim. Here Alito’s libertarian streak and his differences with Scalia may have an impact.

In sharp contrast to Scalia, Alito has often voted in favor of the free exercise rights of minority religious groups, even against laws that are not deliberately intended to harm minority religions. In Fraternal Order of Police v. City of Newark (1999), he joined an opinion holding that Muslim police officers had a right to grow beards (as required by their religion) so long as the city allowed a secular health-related exemption from its no-beard policy. This result is in tension with Scalia’s position in the important case of Employment Division v. Smith, where he wrote a decision holding that the Constitution in most cases does not protect religious groups against the effects of “neutral” laws. Given that the FOP case involved Muslims, it is hard to argue that Alito was just voting for the rights of a group whose religious values he shares. In another case, Blackhawk v. Pennsylvania, Alito authored an opinion establishing a free exercise exemption for a Native American religious group. While these Alito decisions do not directly contradict Smith, they certainly provide much stronger protections for minority religious groups than Scalia would be likely to favor.

ALITO ALSO DIFFERS from Scalia on the key issue of federalism. In United States v. Rybar (1996), Alito dissented from a case upholding a federal statute banning machine gun possession. Alito argued that a categorical ban on the intrastate ownership of machine guns falls outside of Congress’s power to regulate interstate commerce. The case cannot be explained, as some might believe, on the grounds that Alito somehow sympathizes with private ownership of machine guns. In the opinion, he favorably refers to state bans on machine gun possession. Alito’s position differs from Scalia’s recent opinion in Gonzales v. Raich, where the Justice argued that the commerce power justified upholding a federal ban on the possession of marijuana, even for noncommercial medical purposes permitted under state law.

While most liberals tend to be suspicious of judicial enforcement of limits on the federal power, they should perhaps reconsider their opposition to this aspect of Alito’s jurisprudence. In an era when control of Congress and the presidency will often be in the hands of conservative Republicans, constitutional limits on federal power benefit liberals at least as much as conservatives. Many liberal policies have far better political prospects in “blue states” than in Washington. To cite a few recent examples, Republicans have intruded on states’ traditional control over education policy, have overridden state laws legalizing medical marijuana (as in Raich), are trying to use federal power to undermine gay marriage laws established at the state level, and are currently litigating a case before the Supreme Court that would enable the federal government to override Oregon’s decision to legalize assisted suicide.

Additionally, Alito has taken important libertarian positions on free speech issues. In Saxe v. State College Area School District (2001), he concluded that anti-harassment rules should not be allowed to infringe on free speech in a case where a public school anti-harassment code was used to forbid expression of some students’ religiously based opposition to homosexuality. He has also written opinions protecting commercial speech, notably in Pitt News v. Pappert, where he struck down a ban on paid alcohol advertisements in student newspapers. Expansive definitions of “harassment” and restrictions on commercial speech are two of the most important threats to free expression today. Libertarians have every reason to welcome this aspect of Alito’s jurisprudence. Liberals, too, have reason at least partially to embrace Alito’s positions here. After all, school anti-harassment codes can just easily be used to stifle gay activists’ criticisms of religious conservatives as the reverse. And the latter probably control more school boards than the former do.

Alito showed some libertarian leanings in a key immigration case. In Fatin v. INS (1993), he wrote an opinion holding that an Iranian woman could be entitled to refugee status based on the Iranian government’s oppression of women and on her support for women’s rights. Fatin was not a constitutional case, and was partially based on deference to agency judgment. Still, Alito embraced a more expansive vision of refugee rights than is accepted by many conservatives, and advocated a broad definition of asylum rights for victims of gender-based persecution.

Obviously, Alito is far from being an across-the-board libertarian. But there is much for libertarians to like in his record, more than in the case of Scalia. Liberals understandably have less reason to support Alito than libertarians do. But they should think seriously about whether they would rather have a conservative with a significant libertarian streak like Alito or a pro-government conservative who will be just as likely to overturn Roe, but less likely to vote to restrict government power over religious freedom, free speech, or immigration.


Ilya Somin is an assistant professor at the George Mason University School of Law. He has written extensively on constitutional theory and libertarianism.

Well, I noted above the initial treatment of Alito by the NYT was evenhanded. That has stopped, at least w/r/t the editorial board. UCLA law prof Stephen Bainbridge provides a critique of their anti-Alito editorial:

The NYT on Alito

Citing Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito’s 1985 application for a job with the Reagan Justice Department, the NYT argues ( Opinion | Ignore the Man Behind That Memo - The New York Times ):

… he has extreme views on the law. Judge Alito said he was particularly proud of his work on cases that tried to establish that “the Constitution does not protect a right to an abortion.” He did not merely oppose Roe v. Wade in the abstract - he worked to reverse it. He also noted his “disagreement with Warren Court decisions” in many important areas, including reapportionment. The reapportionment cases established the one-person-one-vote doctrine, which requires that Congressional and legislative districts include roughly equal numbers of people. They played a key role in making American democracy truly representative, and are almost uniformly respected by lawyers and scholars.

Let’s deal with the reapportionment question first. I blogged about this Democrat talking point the other day ( ProfessorBainbridge.com ). I showed there that it is possible to simultaneously supporty the one-person/one-vote principle, while still offering legitimate criticisms of the reapportionment cases. (Election law expert Rick Hasen calls the Times editorial “somewhat of an overstatement,” ( Election Law Blog | The law of politics and the politics of law ) which is quite generous to the Times.)

As for Roe v. Wade, the American people’s views are far more nuanced that the NYT likes to admit:

[i]... At the same time they indicate support for Roe, Americans favor definite limits on this procedure--including some the Supreme Court has forbidden. "They don't want all abortions to be illegal," says public opinion analyst Karlyn Bowman of the American Enterprise Institute, "but they're still willing to add considerable restrictions." Most Americans, for example, favor waiting periods and parental consent for minors--which abortion-rights groups cannot tolerate. More important, most Americans think abortion should be banned after the first trimester. In a 2003 Gallup Poll, 68 percent of Americans said abortion "should be generally illegal" in the second trimester, and 84 percent said it should be barred in the third trimester. [/i]

Does the NYT think that those folks are all extremists? (Probably.) Anyway, as Steve Chapman went on to observe in the column just quoted:

Most people equate overturning Roe with banning all abortions. In fact, a reversal of the decision would simply allow states to decide for themselves whether to ban all abortions, some abortions, or no abortions. … If the court were to do that … it would merely let the electorate put its conflicting feelings about abortion into law in a way citizens can live with. Allowing the American people to have their way on a subject that is not mentioned in the Constitution is not extremism. It’s democracy.

Finally, and most importantly, the Times unfairly conflates the role of a lawyer/political appointee and that of a judge. In contrast, Alito clearly gets the difference:

http://www.mercurynews.com/mld/mercurynews/news/local/states/california/northern_california/13180387.htm

[i] Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., an abortion rights supporter and the only woman on the Senate Judiciary Committee, said she asked the conservative judge Tuesday about a document released the day before showing Alito in 1985 telling the Reagan administration he was particularly proud to help argue that “the Constitution does not protect a right to an abortion.”

"He said first of all it was different then," she said. "He said, 'I was an advocate seeking a job, it was a political job and that was 1985. I'm now a judge, I've been on the circuit court for 15 years and it's very different. I'm not an advocate, I don't give heed to my personal views, what I do is interpret the law.'" [/i]

Which is precisely what judges are supposed to do.

Good time for a bump, given the confirmation hearings begin in a couple hours, and another look at another flawed NYT editorial:

Alito: What the NY Times Editorial Didn’t Tell You

The NY Times editorial Judging Samuel Alito ( Opinion | Judging Samuel Alito - The New York Times ) didn’t say much for the self-professed paper of record’s ability to put claims in context. Let’s help them out. The NY Times says:

[i][b]ABORTION[/b] Judge Alito has not only opposed Roe v. Wade, he has also worked to overturn it. When he applied for a promotion in the Reagan administration in 1985, he wrote that he was "particularly proud" of his legal arguments "that the Constitution does not protect a right to an abortion." In meetings with senators, Judge Alito has talked about his respect for Roe, but he has said nothing to discourage his supporters on the religious right who back him because they believe he will vote to overturn it. The American people have a right to know, unambiguously, where Judge Alito stands on Roe.[/i]

Here’s what the NY Times didn’t tell you:

*
  "Samuel Alito supported limited abortion rights in 3 out of 4 rulings ...." - Wikipedia ( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_A._Alito,_Jr.#Abortion )
*
  "What is remarkable in both cases is that Judge Alito recommended against taking the position that more senior, politically appointed officials were urging the solicitor general to take before the court. In the abortion case, not only the head of the civil division but also other high-ranking officials were urging that I, as the solicitor general at the time, ask the court to overturn Roe v. Wade. The bottom line of Judge Alito's memo was that I should not do that." - Charles Fried, former Solicitor General and Alito's former boss ( http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/03/opinion/03fried.html )

Here’s another thing the NY Times told you:

[i][b]PRESIDENTIAL POWER[/b] The continuing domestic wiretapping scandal shows that the Bush administration has a dangerous view of its own powers, and the Supreme Court is the most important check on such excesses. But Judge Alito has some disturbing views about handing the president even more power. He has argued that courts interpreting statutes should consider the president's intent when he signed the law to be just as important as Congress's intent in writing and passing the law. It is a radical suggestion that indicates he has an imperial view of presidential power.[/i]

Here’s what they didn’t tell you:

* "Judge Alito's wiretap memorandum was if anything an even clearer example of a career lawyer doing his job properly and dispassionately. The solicitor general in that case represented not only the Department of Justice and its prerogatives but also the attorney general, who the lower court had ordered to pay damages out of his own pocket for a wiretap that was found to be illegal. The attorney general asked the solicitor general (at that time, Mr. Lee) to argue for immunity from personal liability in such a suit. 

"Judge Alito recommended that the solicitor general not take this case to the Supreme Court because he thought it was a sure loser. It is hardly surprising that Judge Alito, like many lawyers delivering bad news to a client, expressed sympathy for the client's position. But the bottom line was just what Judge Alito's higher-ups did not want to hear. And here, too, the solicitor general did not take Judge Alito's advice - which once again, in the end, proved right." - Charles Fried

* Alito "doesn't sound like somebody who will just rubber-stamp the executive branch's decisions." - ProfessorBainbridge.com ( http://www.professorbainbridge.com/2005/11/alito_and_defer.html )

Here’s the Times’ next claim:

[i][b]CONGRESSIONAL POWER[/b] While Judge Alito seems intent on expanding the president's power, he has called for sharply reducing the power of Congress. In United States v. Rybar, he wrote a now-infamous dissent arguing that Congress exceeded its power in passing a law that banned machine guns. As a Reagan administration lawyer, he argued that Congress did not have the power to pass the Truth in Mileage Act to protect consumers from odometer fraud.[/i]

What the Times doesn’t tell you is that Alito’s Rybar opinion was a perfectly plausible application of the US Supreme Court’s decision in United States v. Lopez ( ProfessorBainbridge.com ).

* "At the time the Third Circuit heard Rybar, the Supreme Court in the Lopez case had indicated that Congress?s Commerce Clause power, though broad, was not without its limits. Judge Alito noted that while the majority wanted to strictly limit Lopez to "its own peculiar circumstances," the court had a "responsibility to apply Supreme Court precedent." It is improper to draw any conclusion from Rybar as to what Judge Alito's position, whether personal or legal, on gun control might be." - CFJ ( http://www.committeeforjustice.org/contents/alito/cfjreport_111705.pdf )

Here’s the Times’ final argument, which simply rehashes a tired meme that’s been repeatedly debunked:

[i][b]ONE PERSON ONE VOTE[/b] Judge Alito said in his 1985 application that he had become interested in constitutional law as a student partly because of his opposition to the Warren court's reapportionment rulings, which created the "one person one vote" standard. He seems to still have believed as a 35-year-old lawyer that these cases, which made legislative districts much more fair, came out the wrong way. [/i]

Here’s what they don’t tell you:

  1. Alito did not question the one-person/one-vote principle (notice how I’m more PC than Biden!). He questioned the reapportionment decisions. As I’ve explained before ( ProfessorBainbridge.com ), it is entirely possible to endorse one-person/one-vote and still oppose the reapportionment decisions.
  2. Alito’s comment must be read in context. As I read it, he is not objecting to reapportionment qua reapportionment, but rather to the overall mindset of which the reapportionment cases were a part.

http://epstein.wustl.edu/research/courses.LAPSWhittington.doc

    [i]  ... in another reapportionment case, Harlan complained, "these decisions give support to a current mistaken view of the Constitution and the constitutional function of this Court. This view, in a nutshell, is that every major social ill in this country can find its cure in some constitutional 'principle,' and that this Court should 'take the lead' in promoting reform when other branches of government fail to act" (Reynolds v. Sims 1964, 624). [/i]

A little pre-hearing good news, from the WSJ:

Strategists from both parties consider confirmation of Samuel Alito as Supreme Court justice likely, but on nearly a party-line vote.

Sen. Chafee of Rhode Island is considered the most likely Republican defector, and Sen. Nelson of Nebraska the likeliest Democratic crossover. In preparation for his confirmation hearings, which start Monday before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Alito has been drilling regularly since Thanksgiving in questioning sessions lasting around 30 minutes at the Justice Department, with two department lawyers doing the questioning. On Thursday, Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, one of the “gang of 14” who sits on Judiciary, joined a so-called moot court session at the White House.

For all the attention the abortion issue has drawn, Alito advisers don’t consider it or his past statements on abortion a potential threat to confirmation, citing private polls showing that Americans by roughly 80% to 20% don’t think opposition to abortion should disqualify a justice. Instead, they believe the biggest potential for damage comes from attacks over his involvement in a conservative group of Princeton alumni who questioned admissions policies, and a conflict of interest controversy over his handling of a case related to an investment firm he used.

Given Bush’s unhappiness over the Senate’s failure to confirm Alito by the end of 2005, the administration would strongly oppose any effort to interrupt the hearings for potential funeral services involving Israeli Prime Minister Sharon, and don’t expect it. – John Harwood

Teddy K, up to his usual tricks… [Now, of course, to get a good feel of any actual data you’d need to dig a lot deeper than just “person of color,” and look at cases in which, say, Alito ruled for defendants against the government, for instance, and then, assuming a large enough sample and that you’re measuring his voting record on panels and not just opinions he wrote, break down the “person of color” status of the defendants. And repeat for other comparable categories of parties appearing before him on the 3rd Circuit. But Teddy K, for making the statement below, is one or more of: a liar; a lazy-ass; an idiot].

http://bench.nationalreview.com/archives/086450.asp

Not only is he playing the race card, but he is misrepresenting Judge Alito’s record in doing so, claiming that Judge Alito has never once in 15 years ruled for a “person of color.” Oh? What about:

  • In Goosby v. Johnson & Johnson Medical, Inc., 228 F.3d 313 (3d Cir. 2000), a race and sex discrimination case, Judge Alito reversed the district court’s decision to grant summary judgment to the defendant employer. The Third Circuit ruled that the plaintiff, a black woman, had introduced enough evidence to call into doubt the employer’s explanation for why she was given lower-quality assignments.

  • In Smith v. Davis, 248 F.3d 249 (3d Cir. 2001), an African-American probation officer brought a claim of race and disability discrimination in violation of Title VII and the Americans with Disabilities Act. Judge Alito joined a unanimous decision to reverse the lower court’s grant of summary judgment for the defendant employer.

  • In United States v. Kithcart, 134 F.3d 529 (3d Cir. 1998), Judge Alito overturned the defendant’s conviction for being a felon in possession of a firearm, concluding that police had no probable cause to stop and search him. Judge Alito wrote: “[A]rmed with information that two black males driving a black sports car were believed to have committed three robberies in the area some relatively short time earlier, Officer Nelson could not justifiably arrest any African-American man who happened to drive by in any type of black sports car.”

  • In Jones v. Ryan, 987 F.2d 960 (3d Cir. 1993), an African-American defendant was convicted in Pennsylvania court of robbery and criminal conspiracy; at trial, the prosecutor used peremptory challenges to exclude three African-Americans from the jury. Judge Alito joined a unanimous opinion holding that the prosecutor had discriminated against the potential jurors on the basis of race, and granting the defendant habeas relief.

  • In Brinson v. Vaughn, 398 F.3d 225 (3d Cir. 2005), an African-American defendant was convicted of first-degree murder in Pennsylvania court and sentenced to life in prison. The prosecutor had used 13 out of
    14 peremptory challenges against African-American potential jurors, and Judge Alito held that this pattern raised an inference of discrimination.

A little more Teddy K (he’s more amusing than Schumer, who’s just making noises, not caring he contradicts his own previous statements):

http://www.nationalreview.com/york/york200601091354.asp

Alito and the Ted Kennedy “Study”
The Democratic senator bases his charges on a very wobbly foundation

by Byron York

In his opening statement at the Samuel Alito confirmation hearings Monday afternoon, Massachusetts Democratic Sen. Edward Kennedy cited an academic study which he said showed that average Americans “have had a hard time getting a fair shake” in Alito’s courtroom at the U.S. Court of Appeals. Alito’s decisions in the cases of individual rights, Kennedy said, are part of a “record that troubles me deeply.”

“In an era when too many Americans are losing their jobs, or working for less and trying to make ends meet, in close cases Judge Alito has ruled the vast majority of the time against the claims of individual citizens,” Kennedy said. “He has acted instead in favor of the government, large corporations, and other powerful interests. In a study by a well-respected expert, Professor Cass Sunstein of the University of Chicago Law School, Judge Alito was found to rule against the individual in 84 percent of his dissents. To put it plainly, average Americans have had a hard time getting a fair shake in his courtroom.”

As evidence for his claim, Kennedy’s staff handed out copies of a December 29, 2005, letter from Sunstein to Kennedy outlining the findings of the study to members of the press at the hearings. But even a cursory reading of the Sunstein letter suggests that his analysis was so tentative, so filled with caveats, and based so extensively on political assumptions as to prove virtually nothing.

In the letter, Sunstein began by saying that he had done the study not for reasons of academic curiosity but because Kennedy asked him to. “This will respond for your request for an analysis of the dissenting opinions of Justice Samuel Alito,” Sunstein wrote, “and in particular of the percentage of Judge Alito’s dissenting opinions that rule in favor of individual rights.”

Sunstein then said the story is “long and quite complex” and that he would “be offering many disclaimers” throughout his presentation of findings. Sunstein’s first disclaimer came three sentences later when he said of the 84 percent number, “A summary statistic of this kind must be taken with many grains of salt and with appropriate qualifications.” Sunstein also said that his work was “crude” and done “under considerable time pressure.”

The main finding of the study, Sunstein wrote, was that in looking at Alito’s dissents ? 45 cases in all ? Alito had ruled against “individual rights” 84 percent of the time. But Sunstein immediately began making qualifications about the reliability of his conclusions. In a number of cases, he wrote, it was difficult to decide which side of the case favored individual rights ? what would that be, for example, when a labor union sought the home addresses of its members? And then, Sunstein said, there was no real evidence to conclude that “any individual vote is unreasonable.” Finally, Sunstein frankly admitted that he applied a frankly political standard to his work:

A natural question is whether Judge Alito is dissenting from majority opinions that distort the law. Perhaps he is rejecting decisions ruling in favor of individual rights when such a ruling is unwarranted under existing law. One way to test that questions, admittedly imperfect, is to see whether he has dissented mostly from opinions by two Democratic nominees. (It is not terribly likely that Republican appointees will regularly distort the law in a way that favors individual rights.)

Even further, Sunstein said that he had employed “a high degree of discretion” in analyzing Alito’s work. “A preliminary analysis suggests two points,” Sunstein wrote. “First, Judge Alito’s opinions are carefully reasoned, well-done, attentive to law, lawyerly, and unfailingly respectful to his colleagues. Second, it is fair to say that the law, fairly interpreted, could well be taken to support those claims. Hence he has exercised his own discretion, not lawlessly but in a way that helps to illuminate his general approach to the law.”

Finally, Sunstein could not even say that the 84-percent figure is too high. “With many apologies for the crudeness of this method of coding, I can report that many prominent Republic nominees tend to show a complex pattern of dissenting opinions, dissenting ‘from the left,’ as they understand the law, as well as ‘from the right,’” Sunstein wrote. The decisions of many Republican nominees, he continued, show that “they read the law in a way that does not fit with conventional political ideology.”

Sunstein concluded with two more disclaimers. First, he said he was not saying whether Alito should be confirmed or not. And second, he said his findings must be regarded “as tentative and preliminary.” Nevertheless, it is expected that Kennedy will cite the Sunstein study again when he has a chance to question Alito on Tuesday.