SCOTUS and the Gun Issue

http://www.volokh.com/archives/archive_2008_03_16-2008_03_22.shtml#1205935463

[i]A LAYMAN�??S GUIDE TO HELLER

Today, the Supreme Court will hear oral arguments in the case of Heller v. District of Columbia, a suit brought by several DC citizens contending that the ban on the possession of operable firearms inside one�??s home violates the Second Amendment. The Circuit Court of Appeals for DC agreed and held the ban to be unconstitutional. However it is decided, Heller is already historic. For the first time in recent memory, the Supreme Court will consider the original meaning of a significant passage of the Constitution unencumbered by its own prior decisions; and the majority and dissenting opinions in this case will be taught in law schools for years to come. Here�??s a layman�??s guide the significance of the case�??and its limits.

Heller Will be Decided on Originalist Grounds. Among law professors, enforcing the original meaning of the Constitution is highly controversial. Critics of originalism deny that we should be ruled by the “dead hand of the past.” They prefer following Supreme Court precedents that may or may not be consistent with original meaning. Any justice who today professes a commitment to originalism is branded a radical; and all Supreme Court nominees are now grilled on their commitment to the doctrine of stare decisis. But what are old precedents if not the “dead hand” of dead justices?

Significantly, then, both sides in Heller are making only originalist arguments. The challengers of the law contend that the original meaning of the Second Amendment protects an individual “right to keep and bear arms” that “shall not be abridged.” In response, the District does not contend that this right is outmoded and that the Second Amendment should now be reinterpreted in light of changing social conditions. Not at all. It contends instead that, because the original intentions of the framers of the Second Amendment was to protect the continued existence of “a well regulated militia,” the right it protects was limited to the militia context.

So one thing is certain. Whoever prevails, Heller will be an originalist decision. This shows that originalism remains the proper method of identifying the meaning of the Constitution. Heller reveals that today’s debate over originalism is really about whether old nonoriginalist Supreme Court decisions should supercede the Constitution�??s original meaning when doing so leads to results that nonoriginalists like better.

The Second Amendment Protects an Individual Right. In the 1960s, gun control advocates dismissed the Second Amendment as protecting the so-called “collective right” of states to preserve their militias�??notwithstanding that, everywhere else in the Constitution, a “right” of “the people” refers to an individual right of persons and the Tenth Amendment expressly distinguishes between “the people” and “the states.” Beginning in the 1980s, a deluge of scholarship showed why the collective rights interpretation is false.

Now even the District asserts the new theory that, while this right is individual, it is “conditioned” on a citizen being an active participant in an organized militia. Therefore, whoever wins, Heller won’t be based on a “collective” right of the states. This is also true of the approach advanced by U.S. Solicitor General Paul Clement: find an individual right but then still largely defer to the judgment of the District (which is not how the Court protects other individual rights). Still, a ruling upholding an unconditioned individual right to arms and invalidating the ban is unlikely to have much affect on current gun laws. Here’s why.

Heller is a Federal Case. Because the District of Columbia is a federal entity, Heller provides a clean application of the Second Amendment which, like the rest of the Bill of Rights, originally applied only to the federal government. Before a state or municipal gun law can be challenged, the Supreme Court will have to decide that the right to keep and bear arms is also protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, which limits state powers. This conclusion is not forgone.

Nowadays, the Court asks whether a particular rights is “incorporated” into the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, an unpopular doctrine among some conservatives. Of course, after recognizing an unconditioned individual right in Heller, affording it less protection from states than other enumerated rights now receive would be awkward - especially given the overwhelming evidence that the right to keep and bear arms was among the “privileges or immunities of citizens” to which the Fourteenth Amendment refers. Indeed, those who wrote the Amendment were concerned about enabling black freeman and white Republicans in the South to protect themselves from violence, including terrorism by local militias.

Heller Involves a Complete Ban on Operable Firearms in the Home. DC not only bans all handguns, it makes it illegal to possess in one�??s home any operable firearm. No state has a comparable law; only scattered municipal firearms bans would be immediately threatened. And the Court would still have to decide how much scrutiny to give gun regulations that fall short of complete prohibition. Furthermore, the DC gun ban is only being challenged as it applies inside the home. So a ruling against DC would not immediately affect most laws governing firearms in other venues.

Most Existing Gun Regulations Would Likely Be Upheld. Under current Supreme Court doctrine, even the First Amendment rights of speech and assembly are subject to reasonable time, place, and manner regulations. So too would gun rights. However, because political support for the right to keep and bear arms is so powerful, only gun laws with pretty plausible justifications actually get enacted - e.g., laws against felons owning firearms. Therefore, even if the Court decides to scrutinize federal and state regulations, rightly or wrongly, most would likely be upheld.

Then Why Is Heller So Important? Although the implications of striking down the DC gun ban are limited, a decision upholding an unqualified individual right in Heller would still be significant. For one thing, it would be a vindication of originalism. More importantly, the private ownership of firearms is a hallmark of American liberty. The right to arms is so politically popular, even Democratic candidates for president feel they must support it - albeit only for hunters. Still, while most gun control activists now deny that they favor banning all firearms, their strategy seem to be to incrementally achieve prohibition by a series of statutes and tort suits that raise the costs of gun ownership and undermine the feasibility of using guns in self defense. Once the Supreme Court recognizes an individual right, lower court challenges to pretextual regulations that may not currently be brought may well be allowed.

But gun rights supporters should also be careful what they wish for. While a Supreme Court decision favoring gun rights in Heller might induce more legislative caution before enacting gun laws, it could also allow legislators to shift responsibility for assessing constitutionality to the courts. And supporters of the gun rights groups that have so effectively protected the right to arms might become apathetic thinking the courts would protect them. Now that Heller is before the Court, however, these risks are worth running. To shrink from enforcing a clear mandate of the Constitution - as, sadly, the Supreme Court has often done in the past - would create a new precedent that would be far more dangerous to liberty than any weapon in the hands of a citizen.[/i]

[quote]Rocky101 wrote:
There are way too many guns in America and gun owners for this to happen. It would be like making drugs illegal, well duh they are illegal but millions of people still have them and have access to them. A firearms ban would not work in America. [/quote]

Remind me again of the number of people who are in jail because drugs are illegal.

[quote]Sloth wrote:
Why do I imagine Mike’s cellar looks something like this?[/quote]

When I was a kid we had a family friend whose closet looked like that. I felt so small next to the M60, it was even bigger than the M30. Our friend was Jewish and one of the things he often would say was “If they come for my people again, I’ll be ready!”

[quote]lixy wrote:
Rocky101 wrote:
There are way too many guns in America and gun owners for this to happen. It would be like making drugs illegal, well duh they are illegal but millions of people still have them and have access to them. A firearms ban would not work in America.

Remind me again of the number of people who are in jail because drugs are illegal.[/quote]

Eighty percent of Americas prison population of over two million people is in jail on drug charges.

Some of this population is held in prisons run by for profit corporations who have a financial interest in seeing their service sold to as many individuals as possible.

[quote]Mikeyali wrote:
There were actually a few funny moments. The D.C. lawyer was talking about how it only takes 3 seconds to undo a gunlock. Scalia and Roberts were both joking about turning on lamps and grabbing reading glasses and stuff before playing with the lock.[/quote]

The other moment that I thought was humorous, and provided insight as to where Scalia will likely come out, was an exchange regarding the reasonableness of considering crime statistics.

A silver lining even outside the fact that the Justices seem predisposed to the individual-rights view of the 2d Amendment?

Both sides are making originalist arguments, per a review of some watchers. One might be better than the other, but at least both sides are attempting to argue what the original intent of the law.

As opposed to making it up as you go along to suit your political preferences, which is what passes for “progressive” jurisprudence these days.

Good news all around.

EDIT: oops, just saw that Boston’s post included this.

[quote]Mikeyali wrote:
That is true, but keep in mind that the court is being quite friendly to the administration’s position that the right is an individual one…but these restrictions are reasonable. It seems to me that the court recognizes the scope of this case and it is the exception rather than the rule that the court tackles problems head on.

They most likely will uphold the lower court’s decision, but my money says that it will be done so in a way that will have little effect on anything outside of D.C. This is especially true when Heller’s own lawyer is conceding most every point that gun rights advocates wish him to push. He has conceded that the right can be “reasonably” infringed as all rights are. He has conceded that machine guns and current federal level firearms laws are okay. (I love how he claims it is because machine guns aren’t in common use. Perhaps they aren’t in common use because they’ve almost been regulated out of civilian existence.) He has claimed that it is okay to abridge the rights maybe depending upon looking at crime statistics. He has conceded that guns on a university campus may still be properly regulated. He has conceded that licensing requirements are okay. He has kept this in a remarkably narrow context.

I could be wrong, but I do take some hope in the belief that the court is about 90% sure of their position long before the oral arguments. (hehe, oral)

mike[/quote]

I agree Mike but are they necessarily wrong to allow some restriction on the right to keep and bear arms?

I’m firmly in the “alcohol, tobacco, & firearms should be a convenience store rather than a government agency” camp but even Story’s commentary, which is almost by definition originalist thought, very clearly contemplates just such restrictions. Further it even seems to call into question whether this is an individual right: "The importance of this article will scarcely be doubted by any persons, who have duly reflected upon the subject. The militia is the natural defence of a free country against sudden foreign invasions, domestic insurrections, and domestic usurpations of power by rulers.

It is against sound policy for a free people to keep up large military establishments and standing armies in time of peace, both from the enormous expenses, with which they are attended, and the facile means, which they afford to ambitious and unprincipled rulers, to subvert the government, or trample upon the rights of the people. The right of the citizens to keep and bear arms has justly been considered, as the palladium of the liberties of a republic; since it offers a strong moral check against the usurpation and arbitrary power of rulers; and will generally, even if these are successful in the first instance, enable the people to resist and triumph over them.

And yet, though this truth would seem so clear, and the importance of a well regulated militia would seem so undeniable, it cannot be disguised, that among the American people there is a growing indifference to any system of militia discipline, and a strong disposition, from a sense of its burthens, to be rid of all regulations. How it is practicable to keep the people duly armed without some organization, it is difficult to see. There is certainly no small danger, that indifference may lead to disgust, and disgust to contempt; and thus gradually undermine all the protection intended by this clause of our national bill of rights." That’s certainly far from a ringing endorsement of a completely unabridged individual right.

I do wish Story would have expanded on the next section of his commentary where he briefly comments about the practical loss of the right to bear arms by the English citizenry, "A similar provision in favour of protestants (for to them it is confined) is to be found in the bill of rights of 1688, it being declared, ‘that the subjects, which are protestants, may have arms for their defence suitable to their condition, and as allowed by law.’

But under various pretences the effect of this provision has been greatly narrowed; and it is at present in England more nominal than real, as a defensive privilege." He clearly draws the parallel with English law which is undoubtedly an individual right but, sadly, stops short of declaring the Second Amendment identical in intent.

In order to test what you really believe about the scope and intent of the Second Amendment (or any other for that matter) it is useful to consider whether one’s view might change when confronted with an argumentum ad absurdia. For example: The Second Amendment contemplates the right to keep and bear “arms”, not “guns”. Arms might include heat seeking missiles; chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons and the like. Suppose Osama Bin Laden purchases a nuclear warhead from the government of North Korea and several dozen shoulder-fired heat seeking missiles from the Chinese.

He then seeks to lawfully (under and expansive reading of the Second Amendment) provide the same to a naturalized US citizen who resides in lower Manhattan. Would you favor or oppose the acquisition of these arms by the US citizen in question? If you oppose the transfer then you don’t really believe in the literal language of the Second Amendment and you have accepted some implied restriction of its plain language. From there are arguments are merely about semantics and scope, namely: what are arms, which shall we disallow private ownership of, and what restrictions shall we place on the ownership of those that are allowable?

Given the dearth of jurisprudence on the matter and the seemingly unclear original intent I think it would be a great victory if the S.Ct. were to find unequivocally that there exists a private individual right to keep and bear arms. Some reasonable restrictions are, I think, not only allowable but an absolute necessity.